Publication: Bir tütün köyünde tarımsal dönüşüm ve kadın emeği
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Orta büyüklükte bir Türk köyünde büyüdüm. Köy, İç Ege yöresindeydi. Yöre toprağı görece verimsiz ve çorak olmakla birlikte 1960'lardan itibaren en iyi kalite tütün üretilmekteydi. Sulama sistemleri olmadığı için pamuk ve benzeri ürünlerin yetiştirilmesine toprak uygun değildi. Ancak Banaz Çayı kıyısında bulunan bir miktar verimli ve sulanabilir arazide üzüm ve bazı sebzeler yetiştirilebiliyordu. Üretimi 2000 yılında sınırlanana kadar tütün dışındaki tüm tarımsal üretim faaliyetlerinin köy ekonomisi üzerindeki etkisi hayli sınırlıydı. 1980 ve 1990lardaki tütün üretiminde uzmanlaşma, köyün ekonomik faaliyetlerindeki metalaşma süreçlerini yoğunlaştırdı. Örneğin, köyün geçimlik düzeyi meta düzeyine dönüştü. Geçimlik düzeyindeki mal ve hizmetlerin çoğu metalaştı. Süt, yumurta ve ekmek gibi bu alana ait ürünler köy bakkalında satılır oldu. Bu makalede, köydeki metalaşma süreçlerindeki emek ve hizmet arzının çoğunlukla ataerkil düzenin etkisinde örgütlenen kadın emeğine bağlı olduğunu ileri sürüyorum. Mevcut yapıya karşın kadınların, karşılıklı emek değişimi ve kadın yardımlaşma toplantıları gibi yollarla sosyal alanı nasıl kullandıklarını, varlıklarını nasıl güçlendirdiklerini ve karar verme süreçlerinde nasıl yer aldıklarını inceliyorum.
I grew up in a medium-sized Turkish Village, situated in the interior Aegean region of Western Turkey, which has relatively infertile and arid land on which villagers have been producing best quality tobacco since the 1960s. The land is not suitable for most other crops, such as cotton, which require an irrigation system. The village has some fertile and wet land near Banaz River, a small river that enables some families to grow vegetables and grapes. Apart from tobacco, until its production was restricted in the 2000s, other productive activities had a very limited impact on the village economy. Specialization in tobacco production in the 1980s and 1990s resulted in the intensification of the processes of commodification within the village. The subsistence sphere of the village, for instance, has been transformed to the commodity sphere. Many aspects of subsistence goods and activities have been transformed into commodities. Milk, eggs, and bread, for instance, have become available in the village market. In this article I argue that the supply of labor and service in such processes in the village depend on women's labor organized by patriarchal relationships. However, women use social spaces, reciprocal labor exchanges , and women's helping parties to empower their existence and create room to be active in decision making processes.
I grew up in a medium-sized Turkish Village, situated in the interior Aegean region of Western Turkey, which has relatively infertile and arid land on which villagers have been producing best quality tobacco since the 1960s. The land is not suitable for most other crops, such as cotton, which require an irrigation system. The village has some fertile and wet land near Banaz River, a small river that enables some families to grow vegetables and grapes. Apart from tobacco, until its production was restricted in the 2000s, other productive activities had a very limited impact on the village economy. Specialization in tobacco production in the 1980s and 1990s resulted in the intensification of the processes of commodification within the village. The subsistence sphere of the village, for instance, has been transformed to the commodity sphere. Many aspects of subsistence goods and activities have been transformed into commodities. Milk, eggs, and bread, for instance, have become available in the village market. In this article I argue that the supply of labor and service in such processes in the village depend on women's labor organized by patriarchal relationships. However, women use social spaces, reciprocal labor exchanges , and women's helping parties to empower their existence and create room to be active in decision making processes.
Date
2016
Publisher
Uluslararası Kıbrıs Üniversitesi