International Relations
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ReviewPublication Metadata only Aerial aftermaths: Wartime from above(Taylor & Francis, 2020-05-26) Ghosh, Samarjit; International Relations; GHOSH, SamarjıtN/AArticlePublication Open Access Aleviliği tanımlamak: Türkiye’de dinin yönetimi, sekülerlik ve diyanet(Mülkiyeliler Birliği, 2015) Arslan, Berna Zengin; Humanities and Social Sciences; ARSLAN, BernaDiyanet, uzun süre akademik ve siyasi çevrelerce Türkiye’de laikliğin istisna bir kurumu, yeterince sekülerleşememiş olmamızın bir göstergesi olarak görüldü. Oysa bugün, özellikle antropoloji disiplini içinden, din ve sekülerliği birbirine zıt ve kesin sınırlarla ayrılmış olarak anlayan bu yaklaşıma eleştiriler getirilmekte ve bir ulus devlet pratiği olarak sekülerliğin kendini din alanıyla ilişki içinde kurduğu vurgulanmaktadır (Asad, 2003). Bu açıdan baktığımızda, farklı örnekler için seküler devletin elini din alanından çekmediğini, aksine din alanını yönettiğini (Turner, 2013) ve (modern anlamda) din alanında kurucu bir rol oynadığını görüyoruz (Asad, 2003). Daha önce, Bryan Turner’ın ‘dinin yönetimi’ (management of religion) kavramına referansla, Diyanet’in Cumhuriyet tarihi boyunca, din alanının ve sekülerliğin şekillenmesinde ve yönetiminde temel kurumlardan biri olduğunu vurgulamıştık (Turner ve Zengin Arslan, 2013). Bu makale ise, ‘dinin yönetimi’ kavramı yardımıyla, devletin Alevilik konusuna yaklaşımını analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Cumhuriyet rejiminin Aleviliği seküler kimlik içinde eriterek tanıdığını, bu anlamda Aleviliği yok saydığını; AKP iktidarı döneminde ise, AB süreciyle birlikte devletin ‘Alevi açılımı’na yöneldiğini; ancak bu süreçte iktidarın Aleviliği tanımak değil, kendi bakış açısından, Alevilere rağmen tanımlamaya yöneldiğini vurgulamaktadır. Bu tanımlamanın, Sünni İslam’ın din anlayışı üzerinden, Sünni İslam’a referansla ve Diyanet’in himayesinde yazılı kültüre geçirilme gibi bir dizi yönetim stratejisi ile gerçekleştirildiğini göstermektedir.ArticlePublication Open Access Alienated imagination through a mega development project in Turkey: the case of the Osman Gazi Bridge(Cambridge University Press, 2022-05) Sert, Deniz Şenol; Kuruüzüm, U.; International Relations; SERT, DenizSince the rise of the ruling Justice and Development Party in the early 2000s, Turkey has invested in several mega transport and infrastructure projects for the purposes of economic transformation, growth, and development. This article explores the impact of a recently completed mega-project - the Osman Gazi Bridge - on material change and popular imagination about the future. It claims that, while the Bridge created a colossal material change that can be observed by everyone, it also animated an imagined post-industrial transition and inclusive development in the industrial town of Dilovasl. Although the dream of a better future serves as a medium for the industrial town's underprivileged inhabitants to connect and socialize, along with the current marginalizing conditions, it also has the potential to fuel future resistance, if imagination is unable to be transformed into reality.EditorialPublication Open Access The American passport in Turkey: National citizenship in the age of transnationalism(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2021) Sert, Deniz Şenol; International Relations; SERT, DenizN/AArticlePublication Open Access Araştırma sürecini açmak: bir vaka ve bir sosyoloji araştırması(Uluslararası Kıbrıs Üniversitesi, 2015) Gür, Faik; International Relations; GÜR, FaikAraştırma süreci, felsefi sorunsallaştırmadan “self-reflexivity” tartışmalarına ve sürecin sadece mekanik yönünün kayda alınması gibi hafıza oluşturma eylemine kadar geniş bir yelpazede ele alınabilecek bir süreçtir. Süreci bilgi üretme alanına dahil etmek ayrıca problemli bir meseledir. İçinde araştırmacılar için “tehlikeler” barındırmıyor demek yanlış olur. Örneğin alan deneyimi ya da tanıklığını yazarken kurgu ya da anı olarak değerlendirebilecek bir noktaya varabilirsiniz. Disiplinler arası çalışmaları önemsemek, bu şekilde ortaya çıkabilecek uç noktaları törpüleyebilir ama bir disipline özgü derinliğin kazandıracağı sorgulama düzeyini tutturamama, her zaman yüksek bir olasılık olarak ortada durmaktadır. Bir taraftan her disiplinin hassaslıklarına hakim olabilmek diğer taraftan konuyu her disiplinin göremediği bir kör noktadan sunabilmek, kotarılması kolay olmayan bir formasyon demektir. Bunu aşmanın en etkili yollarından birisi kuşkusuz farklı disiplinlerde uzmanlaşmış araştırmacıların birlikte çalışmasıdır.ArticlePublication Metadata only Aspirations among young refugees in Turkey: social class, integration and onward migration in forced migration contexts(Taylor and Francis, 2022) Üstübici, A.; Elçi, Ezgi; International Relations; ELÇİ, EzgiThe prevailing sentiment is that refugees desire to go to developed countries rather than stay in their first host country. Based on a critical reading of the literature on onward migration, this article analyzes the formation of aspirations for (im)mobility among young Syrian refugees in Turkey, considering their initial access to resources and integration. Our quantitative analysis suggests that obtaining legal status, satisfaction with life, perceived cultural similarities between the Turkish and Syrian communities, and hence perceived inclusion are the foremost drivers of aspirations to stay in Turkey. The analysis also shows that rather than migrants’ social class, migration-specific capital, such as a passport and networks abroad, drives onward migration aspirations. The qualitative analysis further unpacks the relationship between economic, cultural, and social capital as well as the subjective experience of integration and aspirations to move on or stay. Analyzing different trajectories, we highlight the importance of ‘start-up capital’ at the onset of displacement in shaping opportunities for settlement and future aspirations. Our discussion underscores that resources and opportunities explain onward mobility aspirations in protracted displacement contexts in relation to daily experiences of inclusion and to considerations regarding social class and social mobility in the future.ArticlePublication Open Access Bir tütün köyünde tarımsal dönüşüm ve kadın emeği(Uluslararası Kıbrıs Üniversitesi, 2016) Gür, Faik; International Relations; GÜR, FaikOrta büyüklükte bir Türk köyünde büyüdüm. Köy, İç Ege yöresindeydi. Yöre toprağı görece verimsiz ve çorak olmakla birlikte 1960'lardan itibaren en iyi kalite tütün üretilmekteydi. Sulama sistemleri olmadığı için pamuk ve benzeri ürünlerin yetiştirilmesine toprak uygun değildi. Ancak Banaz Çayı kıyısında bulunan bir miktar verimli ve sulanabilir arazide üzüm ve bazı sebzeler yetiştirilebiliyordu. Üretimi 2000 yılında sınırlanana kadar tütün dışındaki tüm tarımsal üretim faaliyetlerinin köy ekonomisi üzerindeki etkisi hayli sınırlıydı. 1980 ve 1990lardaki tütün üretiminde uzmanlaşma, köyün ekonomik faaliyetlerindeki metalaşma süreçlerini yoğunlaştırdı. Örneğin, köyün geçimlik düzeyi meta düzeyine dönüştü. Geçimlik düzeyindeki mal ve hizmetlerin çoğu metalaştı. Süt, yumurta ve ekmek gibi bu alana ait ürünler köy bakkalında satılır oldu. Bu makalede, köydeki metalaşma süreçlerindeki emek ve hizmet arzının çoğunlukla ataerkil düzenin etkisinde örgütlenen kadın emeğine bağlı olduğunu ileri sürüyorum. Mevcut yapıya karşın kadınların, karşılıklı emek değişimi ve kadın yardımlaşma toplantıları gibi yollarla sosyal alanı nasıl kullandıklarını, varlıklarını nasıl güçlendirdiklerini ve karar verme süreçlerinde nasıl yer aldıklarını inceliyorum.ArticlePublication Open Access Breaking the stalemate in the study of the relationship of mutual military buildups, arms races, and militarized disputes: The Greece-Turkey/Ottoman Empire cases(Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research İhsan Doğramacı Peace Foundation, 2023-04) Nioutsikos, I.; Travlos, Konstantinos; Daskalopoulou, M.; International Relations; TRAVLOS, KonstantinosThe most recent surveys on the study of the connection between mutual military buildups, arms races, and military interstate disputes (MID) warn of research projects, especially in the case of the Greece-Turkey dyad, that have reached a stalemate. This is due to the difficulty of capturing motivations, which constitute the main variable that turns mutual military buildups into arms races. Using the Greece-Ottoman Empire and Greece-Turkey dyads as proof-of-concept cases, we advance a novel approach for analyzing the interrelation between mutual military buildups, arms races, and MIDs that can overcome that stalemate. We suggest a two-stage approach that focuses on the dyad as a unit of analysis. In the first stage, which we preset here, we use rivalry to divide dyad history into periods of differing subsistence military spending. We then locate periods of mutual military buildups in the different rivalry periods of a dyad history. We argue that this process provides a more nuanced and detailed grasp on the presence of mutual military buildups in a dyad. It also provides the foundation for the future second stage of analysis, where qualitative research can focus on the specific periods of mutual military buildups to unearth indicators of motivation.ArticlePublication Open Access Caricaturing the enemy: caricatures and the Greek-Turkish War 1919-1922(Cracow Tertium Society for the Promotion of Language Studies, 2022) Travlos, Konstantinos; Akyüz, D.; Mert-Travlos, C.; International Relations; TRAVLOS, KonstantinosA century ago, the Greek-Turkish War of 1919-1922 (Turkish War of Liberation/Asia Minor Campaign) was reaching its culmination point. The war was also fought in the pages of the Press. In this study, we look at the characteristics of the caricatures marshalled in the war effort by three publications. The Greek newspaper Skrip, and the Turkish satirical magazines Karagöz and Güleryüz. We find that most expectations based on semiotics and the concept of interstate rivalry are borne out. Depictions of the ‘Other’ are generally negative. That said we also find that Skrip dedicated the majority of its caricatures to targeting the internal ‘Other’, the Venizelist faction during the National Schism, in contrast to the more focused targeting of the Greek ‘Other’ by the Turkish publications. This finding indicates the dominance of domestic conflicts over the external conflict even during the inflation point of the Greek-Turkish Interstate Rivalry of 1866-1925Book PartPublication Metadata only The changing waves of migration from the Balkans to Turkey: a historical account(Springer, 2015) İçduygu, A.; Sert, Deniz Şenol; International Relations; SERT, DenizAhmet İçduygu and Deniz Sert tell the history of migration from the Balkans to Turkey from the end of the nineteenth century to the present. They relate this history to nation-building, but also to economic conditions and specific Turkish concerns, such as the perceived need for immigration to compensate for a declining population at that time. They also demonstrate that after 1990, ethnic migration decreased and irregular labour migration became more important.ReviewPublication Metadata only Christopher Dole. Healing secular life: loss and devotion in modern Turkey. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 2012. x + 291 pages.(Cambridge University Press, 2013-10) Arslan, Berna Zengin; Humanities and Social Sciences; ARSLAN, BernaArticlePublication Metadata only Civil war and democratization: A micro‐level analysis(Wiley, 2020-03) Gurses, M.; Celik, A. B.; Paker, Evren Balta; International Relations; BALTA, EvrenObjective In this study we draw on the conflict between the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and Turkey to explore how exposure to violence can engender support for democracy at the individual level. Methods We rely on two nationwide representative surveys carried out in Turkey and estimate a series of ordered logistic and logistic regression models. Results We find that exposure to violence during civil war is a significant predictor of embracing positive attitudes toward democracy. Wartime experiences are associated with a conceptualization of democracy that underscores equality and greater tolerance toward others. Conclusion Being a member of a repressed minority is not sufficient to explain support for democracy. The link between wartime experiences and holding positive attitudes toward democracy is conditioned by the degree of exposure to violence or which political party is supported.ArticlePublication Open Access Collective discussion: Movement and carceral spatiality in the pandemic(Oxford University Press, 2023-07-04) Shindo, R.; Altan-Olcay, Ö.; Paker, Evren Balta; Van Houtum, H.; Van Uden, A.; Rajaram, P. K.; Coward, M.; Pellander, S.; Huysmans, J.; International Relations; BALTA, EvrenVarious measures of mobility restrictions were introduced since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. This collective discussion examines them in relation to six different carceral techniques that govern movement: citizenship, nativism, colonialism, infrastructure, gender, and borders. We investigate how these spatializing techniques of carcerality have been modified and strengthened in the pandemic and their implications for how we conceptualize migration. Our conversation revolves around the relationality between movement and confinement to argue that they are not in opposition but work in tandem: Their meanings become interchangeable, and their relationship is reconfigured. In this collective discussion, we are interested in how to analyze movement/migration in ways that do not define the pandemic through temporal boundaries to mark its beginning and ending.ArticlePublication Metadata only Competition in a populist authoritarian regime: the June 2018 dual elections in Turkey(Taylor & Francis, 2019-07-03) Sözen, Yunus; International Relations; SÖZEN, Muhsin YunusThis article examines the June 2018 presidential and parliamentary elections in Turkey. I maintain that Turkey's populist authoritarian regime context simultaneously hyperpoliticised and depoliticised the electoral process, as this regime decreased the uncertainty of electoral outcomes and yet the ballot box became the singular legitimate political arena to challenge it. I begin the paper with a discussion of the political context of the elections: political regime dynamics, the new hyperpresidential system, as well as the electoral rules and voting behaviour. I then scrutinise the electoral campaign strategies of the major parties and candidates with an emphasis on the strategies of the opposition in counteracting the uneven playing field. Finally, I analyse the electoral results and discuss their implications.ArticlePublication Open Access The composition of descriptive representation(Cambridge University Press, 2023) Gerring, J.; Jerzak, C. T.; Öncel, Erzen; International Relations; YÜKLEYEN, Erzen ÖncelHow well do governments represent the societies they serve? A key aspect of this question concerns the extent to which leaders reflect the demographic features of the population they represent. To address this important issue in a systematic manner, we propose a unified approach for measuring descriptive representation. We apply this approach to newly collected data describing the ethnic, linguistic, religious, and gender identities of over fifty thousand leaders serving in 1,552 political bodies across 156 countries. Strikingly, no country represents social groups in rough proportion to their share of the population. To explain this shortfall, we focus on compositional factors - the size of political bodies as well as the number and relative size of social groups. We investigate these factors using a simple model based on random sampling and the original data described above. Our analyses demonstrate that roughly half of the variability in descriptive representation is attributable to compositional factors.ArticlePublication Metadata only Consequences of reversing the European Union integration(Wiley, 2015-01) Kugler, J.; Fisunoğlu, Ali; Yeşilada, B.Today, financial crisis once again threatens the unity among member states and future of the European Union. The magnitude of the problem is so grave that observers and analysts have concluded a big decision must be made regarding fiscal union (thus political union) to save EMU. “Is this really the end of the road for Eurozone?” Using Power Transition theory, our analysis shows that trust and relative political capabilities are essential to build a stable Union. While it is clear that the center of global politics is shifting away from Europe and the United States to the Asian giants—the transition from West to East can be effectively planned so that the future units are satisfied with each other rather than distrustful, dissatisfied, and contentious. The slowdown of integration is not simply a regional problem with serious consequences for the economic stability of Europe. Far more importantly, our analysis suggests that the process of integration that has reduced tensions within a region previously characterized by major wars may be declining and that this in and of itself could reset the stage not only for regional confrontations but increase the likelihood that global wars may once more be considered as means to solve disputes. The European Union cannot afford to move from the cooperative contest to a confrontational one where solutions are arrived at by force rather than reason. Therefore, the challenge for European leaders is to resolve the current crisis in the EMU and build upon it a reinvigorated union that once more provides a path for complete regional integration.ArticlePublication Metadata only A critical analysis of the neoliberal state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The gap between aims and achievements(Corvinus University of Budapest, 2023) Özoflu, Melek Aylin; Besgul, B.Despite the long years of the political, economic, and military presence of the international community, with its remarkable amount of aid, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) still suffers from political instability, a lack of economic growth, and high rates of unemployment. The Dayton Peace Accords (DPA), which were signed in 1995 to end the violent war that involved ethnic cleansing and caused unforgettable humanitarian and economic loss, set up highly decentralized state institutions within a divided society. The DPA’s vision was based on the neoliberal agenda and strongly emphasized the belief that ethnic harmony and sustainable peace would be achieved only through a reconstruction program involving neoliberal policies. Against the backdrop of this vision, the absence of intergroup cohesion among distinct ethnic collective identities remains a puzzle in the neoliberal state-building agenda of the international community. By highlighting the limitations of state-building as applied to its implementation in BiH, this research aims to plausibly specify the root causes of why state-building initiatives remain ill-equipped to create a higher-level shared collective identity in BiH. To this end, it will critically discuss the (in)effectiveness of the Dayton recipe for BiH for building a functional and sovereign state along with the aforementioned higher-level shared collective identity.Book PartPublication Metadata only A debate over return migration: the case of Turkish guest workers in Germany(2016-03) İçduygu, A.; Sert, Deniz Şenol; International Relations; SERT, DenizThis chapter aims to provide an overview of the return migration of Turkish guest workers and their family members. While doing so, it also elaborates on the theoretical and conceptual discussions of the notion of return migration, and it discusses the empirical question of how return migration has evolved over time in the case of the guest-worker scheme between Turkey and Germany. There are several reasons that make it worthwhile to elaborate the case of Turkish guest workers in Europe in general (and in Germany in particular) in the context of the whole notion of return migration. First, it is a migratory system that has evolved from temporary migration to permanent settlement over the last five decades. Second, while this transformation has taken place, some migrants have returned home, but others have stayed abroad. Third, as this covers a period since the early 1960s, different generations are involved, including first-generation labor migrants as well as their Europe-born children, and even grandchildren. Finally, as this migration from Turkey includes various types of movements such as labor migration, family reunion, asylum seeking, and clandestine flows, return migration to Turkey also consequently consists of various types of returnees.ArticlePublication Open Access Debating the dual citizenship – integration nexus in Turkey(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği İktisadi İşletmesi, 2019) Korfalı, D. K.; Sert, Deniz Şenol; International Relations; SERT, DenizThis article explores the institution of dual citizenship outside of the West and focuses on Turkey to assess the possible relationship between dual citizenship and the integration of migrants, drawing on Kymlicka and Norman's (2000) dimensions of citizenship framework, with its tripartite focus on formal status, activity and identity. The research incorporates the perspectives of the three key groups of actors involved in international migration: the host state, the major sending states, and the migrants themselves. Our findings indicate that dual citizenship is neither a barrier to, nor facilitator of, integration in the citizenship dimension of activity in Turkey. Rather, integration - perceived as economic participation by the great majority of the actors - is linked not to dual citizenship per se, but to the acquisition of citizenship in the host country.ArticlePublication Metadata only Debating voter defection in Turkey(Taylor & Francis, 2023-10-20) Paker, Evren Balta; Demiralp, S.; Demiralp, S.; International Relations; BALTA, EvrenThis study examines patterns of voter defection from Turkey’s incumbent AKP amid major economic and democratic decline. As in other electoral autocracies, defectors constitute a small but politically significant group in Turkey, where the opposition’s ability to secure a transition from authoritarianism depends on reducing the incumbent’s vote share. Based on survey data gathered in November 2021 and February 2022, we find that while the high level of partizanship among AKP voters hinders defection, persistent economic and democratic decline still reduces incumbent support. We also found that defections are higher outside of the lowest income group. Our findings have important implications for opposition strategies in electoral autocracies. Directing public debate away from identity issues to economic and democratic problems increases the likelihood of defection. In addition, offering voters clear superior alternatives decreases the cost of uncertainty that comes with change and increases the likelihood of defection.